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White privilege (or white skin privilege) is a term for societal privileges that benefit white people in Western countries beyond what is commonly experienced by non-white people under the same social, political, or economic circumstances.〔 According to McIntosh and Lee, whites in a society considered culturally a part of the Western world enjoy advantages that non-whites do not experience.〔McIntosh, Peggy. "Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." Beyond Heroes and Holidays. 1998. Endid Lee. Teaching for Change, 1998.〕 The term denotes both obvious and less obvious passive advantages that white persons may not recognize they have, which distinguishes it from overt bias or prejudice.〔Neville, H., Worthington, R., Spanierman, L. (2001). Race, Power, and Multicultural Counseling Psychology: Understanding White Privilege and Color Blind Racial Attitudes. In Ponterotto, J., Casas, M, Suzuki, L, and Alexander, C. (Eds) Handbook of Multicultural Counseling, Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.〕 These include cultural affirmations of one's own worth; presumed greater social status; and freedom to move, buy, work, play, and speak freely.〔McIntosh, Peggy. "Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. 2001. Paula S. Rothenberg. New York: Worth Publishers, 2004.〕 The effects can be seen in professional, educational, and personal contexts.〔Olson, Ruth. "White Privilege in Schools." Beyond Heroes and Holidays. 1998. Endid Lee. Teaching for Change, 1998〕 The concept of white privilege also implies the right to assume the universality of one's own experiences, marking others as different or exceptional while perceiving oneself as normal. Academic perspectives such as critical race theory and whiteness studies use the concept of "white privilege" to analyze how racism and racialized societies affect the lives of white people. Some critics argue that the term uses the concept of "whiteness" as a proxy for class or other social privilege or as a distraction from deeper underlying problems of inequality.〔Hartigan, ''Odd Tribes'' (2005), pp. 1–2.〕 Others argue that it is not that whiteness is a proxy but that many other social privileges are interconnected with it, requiring complex and careful analysis to identify whiteness' contributions to privilege.〔Blum, Lawrence. "'White Privilege': A Mild Critique1." Theory and Research in Education. 2008. 6:309. 〕 Other critics of the idea propose alternate definitions of whiteness and exceptions to or limits of white identity, arguing that the concept of "white privilege" ignores important differences between white subpopulations and individuals. This means that the notion of whiteness is not inclusive of all white people. Critics of white privilege also note that there is a problem with the interpretation of people of color – it fails to acknowledge the diversity of people of color and ethnicity within these groups.〔 ==History of the concept== In his 1935 ''Black Reconstruction in America'', W. E. B. Du Bois introduced the concept of a "psychological wage" for white laborers. This special status, he argued, divided the labor movement by leading low-wage white workers to feel superior to low-wage black workers.〔 Du Bois identified white supremacy as a global phenomenon, affecting the social conditions across the world by means of colonialism. For instance, Du Bois wrote: It must be remembered that the white group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white. They were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness. Their vote selected public officials, and while this had small effect upon the economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown them. White schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed, and they cost anywhere from twice to ten times as much per capita as the colored schools. The newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor whites and almost utterly ignored the Negro except in crime and ridicule.〔W. E. B. Du Bois, ''Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880'' (New York: Free Press, 1995 reissue of 1935 original), pp. 700–701. ISBN 0-684-85657-3.〕 In 1965, drawing from that insight, and inspired by the Civil Rights movement, Theodore W. Allen began a forty-year analysis of "white skin privilege," "white race" privilege, and "white" privilege in a call he drafted for a "John Brown Commemoration Committee" that urged "White Americans who want government of the people" and "by the people" to "begin by first repudiating their white skin privileges."〔Theodore W. Allen, "A Call . . . John Brown Memorial Pilgrimage . . . December 4, 1965," John Brown Commemoration Committee, 1965 and Jeffrey B. Perry, ("The Developing Conjuncture and Some Insights from Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen on the Centrality of the Fight against White Supremacy," ) "Cultural Logic" 2010.〕 The pamphlet, "White Blindspot", containing one essay by Allen and one by Noel Ignatin (Noel Ignatiev), published in the late 1960s, focused on the struggle against "white skin privilege" and significantly influenced the Students for a Democratic Society and sectors of the New Left. By June 15, 1969, the ''New York Times'' was reporting that the National Office of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was calling "for an all-out fight against 'white skin privileges.'"〔See Noel Ignatin (Ignatiev) and Ted (Theodore W.) Allen, ("'White Blindspot' and 'Can White Workers Radicals Be Radicalized?'" ) (Detroit: The Radical Education Project and New York: NYC Revolutionary Youth Movement, 1969); Thomas R. Brooks, ("The New Left is Showing Its Age," ) "New York Times," June 15, 1969, p. 20; and Perry, "The Developing Conjuncture and Some Insights from Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen. . . "〕 In 1974–1975 Allen extended his analysis to the colonial period with "Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race" in 1974/1975,〔Theodore W. Allen, (Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race ) (Hoboken: Hoboken Education Project, 1975), republished in 2006 with an "Introduction" by Jeffrey B. Perry at Center for the Study of Working Class Life, SUNY, Stony Brook.〕 which ultimately grew into his two-volume "The Invention of the White Race" in 1994 and 1997.〔Theodore W. Allen, The Invention of the White Race, Vol. I: Racial Oppression and Social Control (New York: Verso, 1994, 2012 ISBN 978-1-84467-769-6) and Vol. II: The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America (New York: Verso, 1997, 2012 ISBN 978-1-84467-770-2).〕 In his historical work Allen maintained: that the "white race" was invented as a ruling class social control formation in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century Anglo-American plantation colonies (principally Virginia and Maryland); that central to this process was the ruling-class plantation bourgeoisie conferring "white race" privileges on European-American working people; that these privileges were not only against the interests of African-Americans, they were also "poison," "ruinous," a baited hook, to the class interests of working people; that white supremacy, reinforced by the "white skin privilege," has been as the main retardant of working-class consciousness in the US; and that struggle for radical social change should direct principal efforts at challenging white supremacy and "white skin privileges."〔Jeffrey B. Perry, ("The Developing Conjuncture and Insights from Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen on the Centrality of the Fight Against White Supremacy," ) "Cultural Logic,'" July 2010, pp. 10-11, 34.〕 Though Allen's work influenced Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and sectors of the "new left" and paved the way for "white privilege" and "race as social construct" study, and though he appreciated much of the work that followed, he also raised important questions about developments in those areas.〔Theodore W. Allen, ("Summary of the Argument of The Invention of the White Race," Part 1 ), #8, Cultural Logic, I, No. 2 (Spring 1998) and Jeffrey B. Perry, ("The Developing Conjuncture and Insights from Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen on the Centrality of the Fight Against White Supremacy," ) "Cultural Logic,'" July 2010, pp. 8, 80-89.〕 In newspapers and public discourse of 1960s United States, the term "white privilege" was often used to describe white areas under conditions of residential segregation. These and other uses grew out of the era of legal discrimination against Black Americans, and reflected the idea that white status could persist despite formal equality. In the 1990s, the term came back into public discourse, such as in Robert Jensen's op ed "White privilege shapes the U.S."〔Jensen, Robert, ("White privilege shapes the U.S." ) ''Baltimore Sun'', July 19, 1998, p.C-1.〕 The concept of white privilege also came to be used within radical circles for purposes of self-criticism by anti-racist whites. For instance, a 1975 article in ''Lesbian Tide'' criticized the American feminist movement for exhibiting "class privilege" and "white privilege". Weather Underground leader Bernardine Dohrn, in a 1977 ''Lesbian Tide'' article, wrote: "... by assuming that I was beyond white privilege or allying with male privilege because I understood it, I prepared and led the way for a totally opportunist direction which infected all of our work and betrayed revolutionary principles." The term gained new popularity in academic circles and public discourse after Peggy McIntosh's 1987 essay "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack". McIntosh suggests that anti-racist white people need to understand how racial inequality includes benefits to them as well as disadvantages to others. According to Ella L. J. Edmondson Bell and Stella M. Nkomo "most scholars of race relations embrace the use of (concept ) white privilege". Sociologists in the American Mosaic Project report widespread belief in the United States that "prejudice and discrimination 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「White privilege」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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